ユング派の観点から見た日本人の主な心理的特徴（英語小論文）

日本語でのご説明

下記の小論文は、筆者がアメリカ留学中に書いたものである。オレゴン州ポートランドにあるポートランド州立大学（PSU)において、非英語圏学生向けに設けた集中英言語プログラム（IELP）の作文の授業でのものだ。IELPは大学の正規の授業ではない。だが修得した単位は英語学習として認められ、母国の大学で読み替えてもらった。後にユング心理学の入門書を全訳したが、専門用語の多くをこの機会に学んだのは役に立った。

表題を直訳すると「ユング派の観点から見た日本人の主な心理的特徴」である。これは筆者が過去に日本の大学で心理学を修めていたことから書いたもので、恩師にあたる河合隼雄（日本人初のユング派分析家）の影響も大きい。

Preface（はしがき）のところで、英語でも最低限の説明を試みたことを記しておく。この小論文の結論は河合の著書である『日本人とグローバリゼーション』（講談社プラスアルファ新書）のものと酷似している。筆者はこの本を参考文献として河合の結論を示し、独自の意見をつけ加えることもできたはずだった。なぜそうしなかったか不可解なのだが、ここでは拙論を河合の異文化論への導入と位置づけたい。これで剽窃の誹りを少しでも免れれば幸いである。恩師の論を盗用しようなどとは、もちろん思っていなかった。また拙論は筆者単独の英語力によるものではなく、PSU内の「ライティングセンター」にて英語ネイティブの再三にわたる訂正を受けたことをつけ加えておく。

英文のまま掲載したのは、英語圏の方にお読みいただきたかったからである。友人のアドバイスに従って始め有料としてはいたが、これは河合隼雄による日本文化論の紹介と位置づけるべきなので無料にした。機械翻訳にかけていただいて構わないので、英語が苦手な方もどうぞお読みください。

Preface

My essay below was for a writing class of IELP (Intensive English Language Program) in Portland State University in 2013. I've posted it all over again as an introduction to Hayao Kawai’s theory. He was the first Jungian Psychologist in Japan. He supported my academic life. Besides, he saved my life in a very real sense.

I read his book, 『日本人とグローバリゼーション(The Japanese and Globalization) 』dozens of times. The conclusion of the below was quite similar to the book's. It's probably because I unintentionally paraphrased his for the ending of mine. I therefore have to note that the original idea is his.

And, I didn't compose the below without help: it was corrected by Writing Center in the University. I made full use of the service, so that I wouldn’t make any grammatical mistakes.

The Main Psychological Features of the Japanese
According to a Jungian Perspective

The Main Psychological Features of the Japanese
According to a Jungian Perspective

Independent Research Writing, Spring 2013

Portland State University

       “Why are Americans so outgoing? They even talk and joke to strangers!” said Masaaki, a Japanese friend of mine. This was his comment when he first came to the U.S. As a Japanese person, I agree with him. I think that Western people are much more sociable than the Japanese. In fact, my first impression of the United States is that this country is not so different from Japan. Superficial things, like the system of the society and the scenery of the cities are almost the same as Japan, probably because of globalization. However, as for psychological matters like human relationships, there are a lot of differences between the Japanese and the Americans, who are generally more open and extroverted.

       C. G. Jung was a famous Swiss psychologist whose work has an influence on Japanese psychology. I have studied Jungian psychology (Jung’s psychology is called “Jungian psychology” or “Analytical psychology”), which explores the unconscious mind, in the past, and I am interested in topics like differences between the Japanese mind and the Western mind. Such differences cause cultural identity and national characteristics which can lead to culture shocks for foreign visitors. Features of the Japanese psyche and the differences from the Western psyche are the subject of this paper. Describing these features perhaps can introduce some hints to survive the modern world not only for the Japanese and the West, but also for all people who are under influence of globalization. According to a Jungian perspective, the main psychological features of the Japanese are the structure of psyche and the structure of paradigm.

       One psychological feature of the Japanese according to a Jungian perspective is the structure of psyche. The Japanese psyche is different from the Western psyche. According to Jung, the ego is defined as the central part of consciousness and it is the source of identity. The Self is defined as the entire personality and it consists of both consciousness and unconsciousness (Snowden, 2010). According to Jungian experts, in the Japanese psyche, the ego is partly embedded in the unconsciousness (Yama, 2013). That is to say, consciousness and unconsciousness are not clearly different in the Japanese psyche. Moreover, although globalization and modern Western consciousness have certainly affected Japan, there have been differences in the development of subjects in the Japanese ego consciousness and psyche, which has been based on Japanese cultural background (Yama, 2013).

        For example, Jung depicted clear visions in The Red Book, his manifesto on the unconsciousness. According to Toshio Kawai (2012), although Jung worried about becoming mentally ill, the reason why he saw a lot of visions was his strong ego. To be more precise, the Western ego in general tends to be strong like Jung’s. That is the reason why Jung could withstand the overpowering contents of his unconsciousness unlike most people. Kawai (2012) also mentions that there are few reports of visions in Japanese history, and the unclear distinction of subject in the Japanese psyche and culture is the reason for the lack. After all, the boundary of consciousness and unconsciousness is not so clear in Japanese mind. Contrasting to the Western ego which is shown by visions in The Red Book, Japanese people are familiar with the unconsciousness rather than the powerfulness of consciousness (Kawai, 2012). In other words, the Japanese psyche is more open to the unconsciousness than the Western psyche and the Japanese ego is generally weaker than the Western ego.

        The difference of Japanese culture and Western culture can be seen in several features of language. Koyama (1992) writes that in negative sentences, the usage of “yes” and “no” in Japanese is different from that of English. For example, if someone asks “Don’t you believe this?,” “yes” in Japanese means “You are correct. I don’t believe it.” “No” in Japanese means “You are incorrect. I believe it.” In English, on the other hand, “yes” means “I believe it.” and “no” means “I don’t believe it.” This means, in Japanese, “yes” and “no” depend on the person someone is talking to, but in English, they are independent from the companion.

        In addition to that, in Japan, the use of the first person is defined by others. According to Hayao Kawai, the first Jungian analyst in Japan, the use of “I” is decided by others for Japanese (as cited in Bryant, 1993). For example, Japanese young male often uses “boku” or “ore” as the first person among friends. However, he needs to use “watashi” to his senior. In more formal situations, like a business speech, he usually uses “watakushi.” Kawai also says that a Japanese lives firstly as a part of his or her group before himself or herself (as cited in Bryant, 1993).

        These two examples show that in Japan, “yes” and “no” are decided upon relationships between the questioner and the respondent. Moreover, in Japan, the first person is also decided depending on the relationship between the individuals in the group. In English, in contrast, there is only one expression for the first person, “I.” These characteristics show the Japanese ego is weaker or less stable than the Western ego. Japanese psyche is more open to the unconsciousness than Western psyche. That is to say, the Japanese psyche points to not only the outer world, but also the inner world all the more. This point is supported by the introversion of the Japanese.

        According to Snowden (2010), the concepts of introversion and extroversion were invented by Jung. These concepts are so well-known that people use them in daily conversation. According to the definition, introverts are more intent on their own inner world than the outer world (Snowden, 2010). This tendency is a matter of the relation of subject and object. Comparing introverts with extroverts, they tend to be shy and hesitant. Kawai remarks that the order of an expression of intension and a compromise is different between the Japanese and the West (as cited in Bryant, 1993). To be more precise, Western people often give their point of view first and then find the middle ground, on the other hand, Japanese people have a tendency to hold back for other’s opinion first, consider general tendencies next and then adapt themselves to a united agreement. This tendency of Japanese behavior is introverted. Statistics also shows how Japanese people are more introverted than others. According to an international survey, the Japanese index number, which indicates extroversion, was the lowest among 26 countries in the world (Fulmer et al, 2010). The index numbers of Western countries, like Canada, Spain, Australia and the U.S. were in the top ten among those. In short, the Japanese psyche is different from the Western psyche because of the attitude toward the unconsciousness, the weakness of the ego and the introversion.

       The other psychological feature of the Japanese according to a Jungian perspective is the structure of paradigm. The Japanese have a unique paradigm that is different from the Western one. Referring to the difference between Japanese mythology and Christian mythology, Kawai (1995) advocates the contrast between the Japanese paradigm and the Western paradigm. In Japanese mythology, there are three triads which have one same characteristic: the central god does nothing (Kawai, 1995). Kawai also adds that the key point in this structure is how nicely the gods are balanced. Kawai calls this “hollow center balanced structure” and contrasts this with Christian “central integrated structure.” That is to say, while the center has no power in Japanese mythology, the center (a single god) has the power to integrate all elements in Christianity. Kawai adds that while the distinction between good and evil is clear in Christianity, even contradictory elements can co-exist in the Japanese “hollow center balanced structure” as long as they can keep the balance among themselves (Kawai, 1995). This model is still working in contemporary Japan, Kawai adds. In other words, these two structures support Japanese people and Western people. Moreover, these models relate even to modern society and the structure of Japanese and the Western mind. Considering the modern world, in which globalization takes place and Western consciousness has spread, Kawai implies that co-existence of these two models might be important for us (Kawai, 1995).

        To let these models co-exist, according to Kawai (1995), it is necessary for the element “Hiruko,” the male sun, to be returned to contemporary Japan because many different cultures are close these days. While Amaterasu, the sun goddess, is an important figure in Japanese mythology, Hiruko, the male sun, was the only god who was discarded in the early part of the Japanese mythology. Hiruko corresponds to the single god who has power in Christianity. According to Kawai (1995), although the place for Hiruko is quite difficult to find in Japanese pantheon because it can disturb the balance, the modern Japanese must solve this matter. Co-existence of “hollow center balanced structure” and “central integrated structure” might mean fusion of the Eastern model and the Western model. As Kawai says, it may be important to solve this problem to survive in the contemporary world. Moreover, referring to the concept of “hollow center balanced structure” as a feature of Japanese society, the Commissioner’s Advisory Group on International Cultural Exchange of the Japanese Agency of Cultural Affairs (2003) writes that Japan can excellently embrace cultural diversity because such elements can balance each other. As mentioned above, the “hollow center balanced structure” and the “central integrated structure” are really contrastive. They are quite different and still the backbone for each culture. Co-existence of the two models might be beneficial for international society.

        Patterns of Japanese behavior are often different from Westerner’s because of the differences of the structures of psyche and paradigm. Kawai introduces an example of an American who worked with a Japanese company: He needed a decision from a Japanese official, but the official said he needed to consult with his boss before replying. When the American talked to the boss himself, the boss said he needed to discuss it with his followers (as cited in Bryant, 1993). After all, while leader’s role as the center is clear in “central integrated” group, it is very ambiguous in “hollow center balanced” group because the “leader” tries to keep the balance of the whole. This feature is strongly reflected in slow decision-making by the Japanese government. The following two are examples which show reactions toward the great earthquake in March 11, 2011: According to Buck (2011), the Japanese authorities exposed their incompetence when facing the crisis by their slow decision-making which led to the deaths of some of the earthquake survivors. Buck also adds that while the U.S. government sent an aircraft carrier to Japan so speedily that it reached the stricken area early in the morning of March 13, the Japanese Self Defense Force reached there on March 17. According to a report by the NHK Broadcasting Culture Research Institute, a Japanese public organization, an overseas media mentioning the nuclear power station condition after the earthquake told that the Japanese government’s reaction was surprisingly theoretical and imprecise. They also said that the Japanese government could neither handle the trouble nor give people protection (Kowata, et al. 2013). This often happens in Japan because of slow decision-making due to the Japanese paradigm.

       On the other hand, “hollow center balanced” society also has a positive aspect. As mentioned above, a Japanese lives firstly as a part of his or her group before himself or herself. Furthermore, the Japanese follow a balance of the whole, therefore there is a sense of solidarity which is surprising for people in other countries. The following are examples of positive reactions to disasters by the Japanese: Loza (2011) reports that Japanese society is built against looting, rioting and panic. After the great earthquake on March 11, 2011, overseas media reported unanimously that there was no looting and rioting in the stricken area at all. According to Pichet (2011), many Westerners were surprised by the calmness of the Japanese. Caffeerty (2011) mentions that he could not believe the absence of looting there. This tendency was not seen only when this earthquake happened. Kristof (2011) writes that he was greatly moved by Japan’s public order and good manners after the 1995 Kobe earthquake when even the Yakuza helped people who remained alive. Kristof also adds that he has heard an old report which is probably from the 16th century: hours after a quake struck a village, small farmers started to rebuild their houses. These examples are because of the Japanese collective paradigm.

        In conclusion, for better or worse, these Japanese unique behaviors illustrate unique psychological features of the Japanese. The reasons of these acts cannot be explained without knowing the differences of the structure of the psyche and paradigm according to a Jungian perspective. The structure of Japanese psyche and the structure of Japanese paradigm are quite different from Westerner’s according to a Jungian perspective. If we take a look at details, there are various types of differences between the Japanese and the West from the individual level, like the strength of ego, to the collective level, like behaviors after disasters. If you visit Japan, you might be surprised by the gap between its superficial similarities to Western countries and its people’s psychological differences. However, if you know the information of the Japanese characteristics, you might be able to reduce your disorientation at least a little. Furthermore, the existence of the two models of paradigm, (“hollow center balanced” model and “central integrated” model), is the basis of my doubt on extreme centralization by the Western consciousness which accompanies globalization. Having both paradigms helps us. In the past, only one model couldn’t last so long. We need multiple models to survive the new century. The Japanese model is a good counterexample against the Western-only way. The two models can be helpful to all people who live in the world which is now swept by globalization.

Reference List:

Bryant, B. (1993, June 14). 'Understanding the hollow center' lecturer discusses Japanese mythology. Retrieved from
http://www.loc.gov/loc/lcib/93/9312/japan.html

Buck, J. (2011, March 17). The Japanese government's appalling earthquake response. Retrieved from http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2011/03/17/the-japanese-governments-appalling-earthquake-nuclear-response.html

Cafferty, J. (2011, March 15). [Web log message]. Retrieved from http://caffertyfile.blogs.cnn.com/2011/03/15/why-is-there-no-looting-in-japan/

Commissioner's Advisory Group on International Cultural Exchange. The Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Agency for Cultural Affairs, Japan. (2003). "About the future promotion of international cultural exchange" Report. Retrieved from website: http://www.bunka.go.jp/english/pdf/gattaiban.pdf

Fulmer, C. A., Gelfand, M. J., Kruglanski, A. W., Kim-Prieto, C., Diener, E., Pierro, A., & Higgins, E. T. (2010). On "feeling right" in cultural contexts: How person-culture match affects self-esteem and subjective well-being. Psychological Science, 21(11), 1563-1569. Retrieved from http://pss.sagepub.com/content/21/11/1563

Kawai, H. (1995). Dreams, myths and fairy tales in Japan. Einsielden, Switzerland: Daimon.

Kawai, T. (2012). The Red Book from a pre-modern perspective: The position of the ego, sacrifice and the dead. The Journal of Analytical Psychology, 57(3), 378-389.

Kowata, Y., Saito, M., Shibata, A., Sugiuchi, Y., Tanaka, T., Tanaka, N., Nakamura, Y., Nitta, T., Hirotsuka, Y. & Yamada, K. NHK Broadcasting Culture Research Institute, Media Research & Studies. (2012). The great east Japan earthquake in overseas media: Survey of eight news programs in seven countries. Retrieved from website: http://www.nhk.or.jp/bunken/english/reports/pdf/report_12090101-2.pdf

Koyama, T. (1992). Japan a handbook in intercultural communication. Sydney, Australia: National Centre for English Language Teaching and Research Macquarie University.

Kristof, N. (2011, March 111). [Web log message]. Retrieved from http://kristof.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/03/11/sympathy-for-japan-and-admiration/

Loza, A. (2011, March 22). How Japanese society is built to prevent rioting, looting & panic. Retrieved from

http://utopianist.com/2011/03/how-japanese-society-is-built-to-prevent-rioting-looting-panic/

Picht, J. (2011, March 14). Where are the Japanese looters?. Retrieved from http://communities.washingtontimes.com/neighborhood/stimulus/2011/mar/14/where-are-japanese-looters/

Snowden, R. (2010). Jung: The key ideas. London, England: Hodder Education.

Yama, M. (2013). Ego consciousness in the Japanese psyche: Culture, myth and disaster . The Journal of Analytical Psychology, 58(1), 52-72.