China and the World, CRS, IF12271, Dec. 7, 2022.
Caitlin Campbell, Susan V. Lawrence, and Karen M. Sutter
The Biden Administration has described the United States
as engaged in “a strategic competition to shape the future of
the international order,” with the United States’ main
competitor being the People’s Republic of China (PRC or
China), led by the Communist Party of China (CPC). U.S.
policymakers and analysts assess many CPC ambitions and
PRC actions as challenging the U.S. national interest and
U.S. global leadership. Debates concerning China,
including in the U.S. Congress, center on how to respond to
or counter negative aspects of the PRC’s growing global
influence, including PRC actions that may be coercive or
otherwise undermine long-standing international rules and
norms. Legislation and congressional oversight have often
sought to press the executive branch to act in areas in which
it has existing authorities, but, in Congress’s assessment,
has not acted sufficiently to address PRC activities.
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The PRC’s Global Presence
Examples of the PRC’s growing global presence and
congressional responses include
Trade and Investment. China has become a top global
investor and financier as its companies have moved
offshore to access raw materials, commodities, andenergy; acquire foreign technology and related
capabilities; and build infrastructure. Members of
Congress have sought to address the growing role of the
PRC state (i.e., Communist Party, military, and
government) in the commercial ecosystem and in
supporting and directing PRC industries’ operations,
both overseas and domestically. Members have also
sought to address asymmetrical market access terms the
PRC sets for foreign firms, under which China restricts
foreign firms’ ability to compete in China even as PRC
firms expand and acquire foreign firms and capabilities
in the same sectors overseas. Members have sought to
strengthen U.S. authorities and collaboration with like-
minded countries to address PRC industrial policies that
require technology transfer to China and incentivize
China’s acquisition of foreign technology by all means,
including theft.Belt and Road. Through its Belt and Road Initiative
(BRI), also known as “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR),
launched in 2013, the PRC has sought to develop China-
centered and China-controlled global infrastructure,
transportation, trade, production networks, and
standards. The PRC states that it has signed documents
outlining BRI cooperation with 149 countries and 32
international organizations. In 2018, Congress passed
legislation to restructure existing U.S. development
financing authorities to provide developing countries
alternatives to PRC investment and financing.International Organizations. China has sought
influence in the United Nations and global technical
bodies to legitimize its approach to such diverse issues
as Taiwan, human rights, and the role of the state in the
economy. As China’s economic heft has grown, so has
its ability to affect outcomes within these institutions.
China has steadily increased its role in the World Bank,
the International Monetary Fund, and the World Trade
Organization. It has also increased its involvement in
technical and standard-setting bodies of the UN and
other institutions. Members have sought to counter
China’s influence in these bodies by seeking to expand
the U.S. role and by pressing for more active
collaboration with like-minded countries in these fora.Coercion. The PRC has increasingly engaged in
sustained, punitive campaigns of diplomatic and
economic pressure against governments and commercial
actors the CPC deems to be challenging China’s
interests. In 2021, the PRC cut off direct and secondary
trade with U.S. ally Lithuania over Vilnius’ approval of
an unofficial Taiwanese Representative Office. In 2020,
the PRC targeted U.S. ally Australia after Canberra
called for an independent inquiry into the origins of the
COVID-19 pandemic. Members have sought to support
governments and firms subjected to such coercion.Discourse. The PRC has increasingly sought to shape
global discourse about China and the United States. It
has invested heavily in expanding the global reach of its
state media organizations, undertaken disinformation
campaigns, and pressured international organizations,
governments, and corporations to include PRC-
approved language in their official documents and
speeches. Members of Congress have responded, in part,
by establishing the State Department’s Global
Engagement Center and increasing funding for entities
overseen by the U.S. Agency for Global Media.Diplomacy. The PRC has established new fora to
facilitate its engagement across whole regions, such as
its Forum on China-Africa Cooperation. The PRC has
also sought to expand the influence of other groupings
that do not include the United States, including the
Shanghai Cooperation Organization, whose eight full
members include Russia. Members have sought to step
up U.S. regional engagement, including through
appropriations earmarked for countering PRC influence.Military Operations. The PLA maintains a regular
presence in China’s immediate maritime periphery and,
following House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s August 2022
visit to Taiwan, increased its military activity around
Taiwan. The PLA also increasingly operates beyond the
Western Pacific. The PLA Navy has conducted
continuous anti-piracy patrols in the Gulf of Aden since
2008, undertaken military diplomacy around the world,
and conducted joint military exercises and patrols with
its partners—primarily Russia—in the Bering Sea,
Mediterranean Sea, Central Asia, Baltic Sea, East China
Sea, and elsewhere. Members of Congress have sought
to strengthen the U.S. military’s ability to compete and
to bolster Taiwan’s defenses.Military Ties. The PRC also maintains military ties
with U.S. partners and allies, such as Thailand and the
Philippines, is a top contributor of personnel to UN
peacekeeping missions, and operates a military base in
Djibouti. The U.S. Department of Defense reports that
the PRC may be considering the establishment of
multiple new military bases around the world.
U.S. and Ally/Partner Responses
In its October 2022 National Security Strategy (NSS), the
Biden Administration assessed China’s ambitions as being
“to create an enhanced sphere of influence in the Indo-
Pacific and to become the world’s leading power.” The
NSS describes the PRC as, “the only competitor with both
the intent to reshape the international order and,
increasingly, the economic, diplomatic, military, and
technological power to advance that objective.”
The Administration has focused on coordinating with allies
and partners to shape the strategic environment in which
China operates. This approach seeks to amplify U.S.
messages and make it harder for the PRC to play U.S. allies
and partners against each other. The Administration has
stated that it seeks to “invest in the underlying sources and
tools of American power and influence” and maintain “an
enduring competitive edge over the PRC.” The Department
of Defense treats China as its “pacing threat,” with a
Taiwan contingency the “pacing scenario” for which the
U.S. military is preparing.
With U.S. encouragement, the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO), the European Union, and individual
U.S. allies and partners have joined the United States in
expressing concerns about PRC ambitions and activities.
Maintaining policy alignment has nonetheless proved
challenging at times. Factors such as economic dependence
on China, geographic proximity to China, discomfort with
the Biden Administration’s framing of competition in terms
of democracy versus autocracy, and concerns about
competition leading to conflict shape some governments’
responses. The Administration’s NSS notes that, “Some
parts of the world are uneasy with the competition between
the United States and the world’s largest autocracies,”
adding, “We do not seek conflict or a new Cold War.”
Congress’ Role in China Policy
Congress has sought to influence U.S. policy toward China
in both its oversight and legislative roles. Hearings during
the 117th Congress, for example, covered such topics as
Taiwan policy, U.S.-China relations, U.S.-European
cooperation on China, China’s role in Latin America and
the Caribbean, countering the PRC’s “Economic and
Technological Plan for Dominance,” and the impact of PRC
lending on international debt architecture.
Legislative approaches take many forms, from sense of
Congress statements to legislative directives to legislative
restrictions and funding denials. In the 117th Congress, both
chambers undertook committee action on comprehensive
China-related bills, including S. 1260 and H.R. 3524.
Among those bills enacted into law were P.L. 117-78,
which bars the import of goods made with forced labor in
China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, and the
CHIPS Act (P.L. 117-167), which seeks to strengthen U.S.
technological competitiveness through investments in U.S.
semiconductor manufacturing. In addition, H.R. 7776
would include multiple provisions related to China and
Taiwan, including the Taiwan Enhanced Resilience Act.
https://sgp.fas.org/crs/row/IF12271.pdf